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Courts may play pivotal role on voting rights in 2016 election

Luke Skywalker

Super Moderator
{vb:raw ozzmodz_postquote}:
Demonstrators marched through the streets of Winston-Salem, N.C., last July during a federal voting rights trial challenging a 2013 state law.(Photo: Chuck Burton, AP)


WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court decided a presidential election 16 years ago based on how votes were counted. This year, a shorthanded court seeking to avoid the limelight may help decide who can vote in the first place.
Petitions challenging restrictions on voting in key states could reach the<span style="color: Red;">*</span>high court before Election Day, putting the justices exactly where they don't want to be — at the fulcrum of American politics in what promises to be a wild race for the White House.
Chief Justice John Roberts'<span style="color: Red;">*</span>court has itself to thank<span style="color: Red;">*</span>for some of the laws enacted<span style="color: Red;">*</span>after the justices struck down a key part of the Voting Rights Act<span style="color: Red;">*</span>in 2013. Those laws impose new rules for registering and voting that could limit access to the polls for<span style="color: Red;">*</span>minorities and young people in particular — the coalition that propelled Barack Obama to the White House in 2008 and 2012.
Since the court's 5-4 decision<span style="color: Red;">*</span>in Bush v. Gore<span style="color: Red;">*</span>ended a dispute over Florida's vote count in George W. Bush's favor,<span style="color: Red;">*</span>the justices have intervened regularly in elections. They allowed Ohio Republicans to challenge voters at the polls in 2004. They upheld Indiana's photo identification law in 2008. Two years ago, they let restrictions passed by Republican legislatures<span style="color: Red;">*</span>stand in North Carolina, Ohio and Texas while blocking them in Wisconsin.
USA TODAY
Supreme Court rules Texas can enforce voter ID law




This year, the court may be asked by civil rights groups and the Democratic Party<span style="color: Red;">*</span>to<span style="color: Red;">*</span>play its most important role since 2000 — at a time when Justice Antonin Scalia's death has left it with only eight members and<span style="color: Red;">*</span>at risk of deadlocking.
“We may very well continue to see a showdown this fall before the court,”<span style="color: Red;">*</span>says Kristen Clarke, president of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law.<span style="color: Red;">*</span>"The stakes are high."
Seventeen states have new voting procedures in place for the November election, more than half of which are being challenged in court.<span style="color: Red;">*</span>Many<span style="color: Red;">*</span>require voters to show photo identification, such as a strict law<span style="color: Red;">*</span>in Texas that opponents say could leave up to 600,000 voters without the proper ID.<span style="color: Red;">*</span>Others target rules for registering, early voting and provisional voting, such as a wide-ranging North Carolina law that caused confusion and long lines in March's primary.
Civil rights groups used the Voting Rights Act to beat back most voting restrictions in 2012. But the following year, the Supreme Court struck down a part of the law<span style="color: Red;">*</span>that forced a number of mostly Southern states and municipalities to get federal approval before changing even a single polling place.
USA TODAY
Supreme Court strikes down key part of Voting Rights Act




As a result, Democrats have joined the legal effort this year in a major way, filing lawsuits not only in Ohio, Wisconsin, North Carolina and Virginia but also in Arizona, where a severe reduction in polling places produced hours-long lines at the polls in March.
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Voters wait in line to cast ballots in Arlington County, Virginia, in March.<span style="color: Red;">*</span>(Photo: Chip Somodevilla, Getty Images)

“We are really in the first election cycle of these," says Marc Elias, general counsel for Hillary Clinton's presidential campaign,<span style="color: Red;">*</span>who has filed the lawsuits on behalf of the Democratic Party. "This is the first time we’ve seen the Republicans pass such comprehensive laws at the state level to make voting so much more difficult.”
Not to be left out of the courtroom battles, Republicans may<span style="color: Red;">*</span>sue in Virginia, where Gov. Terry McAuliffe recently restored voting rights to about 200,000 felons who have served their sentences.
“This election cycle and the litigation involved is really an extension and further evolution of 2000 Bush v. Gore," says Thor Hearne, who represents Republican legislatures in election law cases. "It's<span style="color: Red;">*</span>an increasing effort to pre-litigate the election by litigating the rules for the conduct of the election.”
[h=2]Seeds sown in 2013[/h]The Supreme Court planted the seeds itself with its 2013 ruling in Shelby County v. Holder, an Alabama case that freed nine<span style="color: Red;">*</span>states and parts of six others from federal oversight.
Texas implemented<span style="color: Red;">*</span>its photo ID requirement, which had been blocked under the Voting Rights Act,<span style="color: Red;">*</span>almost immediately after the ruling. North Carolina added far-reaching restrictions less than two months later. Rather than relying on swift Justice Department intervention, civil rights groups went to court for what has turned out to be a years-long effort.
“The groups are great at getting into court. But getting the things actually blocked is difficult." says Pamela Karlan, a Stanford Law School professor and former top Justice Department civil rights official.<span style="color: Red;">*</span>“It takes a lot of money. It takes a lot of time. It takes a lot of litigation<span style="color: Red;">*</span>to get to the same point.”
The results are mixed thus far, and they promise to become more jumbled in the months to come.<span style="color: Red;">*</span>Texas' restrictions have been struck down as racially discriminatory by two federal courts<span style="color: Red;">*</span>but will be heard by the full U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit, a conservative court, later this month. The Supreme Court last month warned that if a decision isn't reached by July, it would consider blocking the law from being imposed in<span style="color: Red;">*</span>the November election.
USA TODAY
Supreme Court won't block Texas photo ID law — yet




North Carolina's law was upheld in federal district court but faces possible reversal in<span style="color: Red;">*</span>the 4th Circuit, a more liberal court, which will hear the case in June. A major concern among voting rights groups is the loss of same-day registration, used by nearly 250,000 voters in 2008, when Obama carried the state by 14,000 votes.
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North Carolina's new voter ID rules are posted at the door of a voting station in Greensboro during the state's March primary.<span style="color: Red;">*</span>(Photo: Andrew Krech, AP)

"Clearly, North Carolina is ground zero," says Penda Hair, co-director of the Advancement Project, one of several groups challenging the state law. "It could be a real meltdown."
Wisconsin's law was upheld in the 7th Circuit, but a portion of the case was sent back to district court after problems at the polls in April. Cases in Virginia, Ohio, Arizona and elsewhere have yet to be decided.
[h=2]Will Supreme Court step in?[/h]Defenders of the states' efforts to tighten up election<span style="color: Red;">*</span>laws say the Voting Rights Act is working the way it was supposed to — by allowing legislators to do their jobs and the courts to follow up, rather than the other way around.
The previous federal pre-clearance rules "distorted our nation’s constitutional order by treating some states and jurisdictions<span style="color: Red;">*</span>as everlasting bad actors," says Edward Blum, director of the conservative Project on Fair Representation, which has brought affirmative action and voting rights cases to the Supreme Court. "An important constitutional order has been re-established."
With six months to go before the election, the high court's role this year remains unclear. Depending on how lower courts resolve the many cases now pending, it may<span style="color: Red;">*</span>be asked to block state laws from remaining in effect for the election. With<span style="color: Red;">*</span>only eight justices, however, it could e loathe to step in.<span style="color: Red;">*</span>"There's a lot of waiting and seeing what's going to happen in the courts in all these cases," says Wendy Weiser, who directs the democracy program at the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law.
Later this year or next year — or whenever the court is back to full strength — it could agree to hear a case from North Carolina, Texas or elsewhere in hopes of setting a national standard for what legislatures and election administrators can and cannot do.<span style="color: Red;">*</span>“If we<span style="color: Red;">*</span>can’t get to the Supreme Court to win those cases,<span style="color: Red;">*</span>then I do think it’s going to<span style="color: Red;">*</span>make it difficult going forward," says Gerald Hebert, executive director of the Campaign Legal Center, which challenges restrictive laws. "It will encourage other legislatures to keep enacting laws to maintain political power.”




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