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Pro-Russian protesters remove the gate to the Ukrainian navy headquarters as Russian troops stand guard in Sevastopol, Crimea, on Wednesday, March 19. Russia's military activities in Crimea and its move to annex the region have been condemned by Ukraine's interim government in Kiev, the European Union and United States. The standoff has sparked an international crisis, reviving concerns of a return to Cold War relations.
" border="0" height="360" id="articleGalleryPhoto002" width="640"/>Members of pro-Russian forces, or Crimean "self-defense" forces, walk inside Ukrainian navy headquarters in Sevastopol on March 19. Crimean lawmakers have said they now see Ukrainian soldiers as an occupying force and have given them a certain amount of time to leave.
A member of pro-Russian forces takes down a Ukrainian flag at Ukrainian naval headquarters in Sevastopol on March 19.
A Russian flag waves as workers install a new sign on a local parliament building in Simferopol, Crimea's capital, on March 19.
Russian military personnel surround a Ukrainian military base in Perevalnoe, Crimea, on March 19. Ukrainian troops have been encircled by pro-Russian forces in their bases for days.
Nameplates on the front of the Crimean parliament building get removed Tuesday, March 18, in Simferopol after a controversial referendum to break away from Ukraine and join Russia.
From left, Crimean Prime Minister Sergey Aksyonov; Vladimir Konstantinov, speaker of the Crimean parliament; Russian President Vladimir Putin; and Alexei Chaly, the new de facto mayor of Sevastopol, join hands in Moscow on March 18 after signing a treaty to make the Black Sea peninsula part of Russia.
Demonstrators hold a Crimean flag at Lenin Square in Simferopol on March 18.
Ukrainian soldiers stand guard at a checkpoint near Strilkove, Ukraine, close to Crimea on Monday, March 17.
Former boxer and Ukrainian politician Vitali Klitschko addresses reporters in Kiev on March 17.
Ukrainian troops stand guard in front of the Ukrainian Parliament building in Kiev on March 17. Ukraine's interim government insists it won't accept the annexation of Crimea by Russia, and the interim Ukrainian president announced a partial mobilization of his country's armed forces.
A Ukrainian man applies for the National Guard at a mobile recruitment center in Kiev on March 17.
Civilians walk past riot police in Simferopol on March 17.
A Ukrainian soldier stands on top of an armored vehicle at a military camp near the village of Michurino, Ukraine, on March 17.
Policemen stand guard outside the regional state administration building in Donetsk, Ukraine, during a rally by pro-Russia activists March 17.
Armed soldiers stand guard outside a Ukrainian military base in Perevalne, a village in Crimea, on March 17.
A man holds a Crimean flag as he stands in front of the Crimean parliament building in Simferopol on March 17.
Crimeans holding Russian flags celebrate in front of the parliament building in Simferopol on Sunday, March 16.
A Ukrainian police officer tries to shield himself from a road block thrown by pro-Russia supporters in Kharkiv, Ukraine, on March 16.
Pro-Russia demonstrators storm the prosecutor general's office during a rally in Donetsk on March 16.
A child casts her mother's ballot March 16 while holding a Russian flag at a polling station in Simferopol.
A pro-Russian soldier, with the Russian flag behind him, mans a machine gun outside an Ukrainian military base in Perevalne on Saturday, March 15.
A pro-Russian soldier guards the perimeter outside an Ukrainian military base in Perevalne on March 15.
Russian flags wave in front of a monument dedicated to Soviet Union founder Vladimir Lenin during a pro-Russia rally in Simferopol's Lenin Square on March 15.
Evgenyi Batyukhov cries March 14 at the site where pro-Russian and pro-Ukrainian activists clashed the night before in Donetsk, Ukraine.
A line of policemen stand in front of a bus of pro-Ukrainian activists as pro-Russian supporters confront them during a rally in Donetsk on Thursday, March 13.
Pro-Russian supporters clash with pro-Ukrainian activists in Donetsk on March 13.
Recent Academy Award winner Jared Leto walks through Independence Square in Kiev, Ukraine, on March 13. During his Oscars acceptance speech in early March, the actor spoke to protesters in Ukraine and Venezuela saying, "We're thinking of you tonight."
A member of a pro-Russian self-defense unit checks a polling station near Simferopol on March 13.
A Ukrainian soldier looks out of the window of a regional military building with a poster reading "Ukraine's armed forces wait for you!" in Donetsk on March 13.
An armed Cossack stands guard at a checkpoint on the road from Simferopol to Sevastopol on March 13.
A pro-Russian soldier speaks to a truck driver outside the Ukrainian infantry base in Perevalne on Wednesday, March 12.
Cossacks stand guard at Crimea's regional parliament building in Simferopol on March 12.
Soldiers are seen aboard the Ukrainian ship Slavutych in the harbor of Sevastopol on Tuesday, March 11.
Ukrainian naval officers board a boat in front of the Russian minesweeper Turbinist in Sevastopol's harbor on March 11.
People shout slogans during a pro-Russia rally in Donetsk on Sunday, March 9.
Ukrainian police detain a demonstrator during a pro-Russian rally in Donetsk on March 9.
Pro-Russia protesters remove a Ukrainian flag from a flagpole taken from a government building in Donetsk on March 9.
Cossacks and other pro-Russian forces stand guard outside a government building in Simferopol on Saturday, March 8.
Ukrainian soldiers load armored personnel carriers into boxcars in the western Ukrainian city of Lviv on March 8.
Armed men believed to be Russian military march in a village outside Simferopol on Friday, March 7.
Pro-Russia protesters demonstrate outside the Belbek air base, near Sevastopol, on Thursday, March 6.
A Ukrainian navy officer looks at the scuttled, decommissioned Russian vessel Ochakov from the Black Sea shore outside the town of Myrnyi, Ukraine, on March 6. Russian naval personnel scuttled the ship, blockading access for five Ukrainian naval vessels.
A member of the Russian military patrols around Perevalne on March 6.
Servicemen guard a checkpoint at a Ukrainian navy base in Perevalne on March 6.
Ukrainian troops guard the Belbek air base on March 6.
A woman walks past barricades March 6 that were set up by anti-government protesters in Kiev's Independence Square.
A sailor guards the Ukrainian Navy ship Slavutych in the Bay of Sevastopol on Wednesday, March 5.
People wait in line for food distribution in Independence Square on March 5.
Ukrainian sailors carry meat to their vessel in the Sevastopol harbor on March 5.
Riot police stand at the entrance of a regional administrative building during a rally in Donetsk on March 5.
A Ukrainian police officer gives instructions to members of the media in front of the business class lounge of the Simferopol airport on March 5.
Pro-Russia demonstrators wave a Russian flag after storming a regional administrative building in Donetsk on March 5.
Demonstrators break a police barrier as they storm a regional administrative building in Donetsk on March 5.
Ukrainian military recruits line up to receive instructions in Kiev's Independence Square on Tuesday, March 4.
People stand on the Ukrainian Navy ship Slavutych while it's at harbor in Sevastopol on March 4. Mattresses were placed over the side of the ship to hinder any attempted assault.
Ukrainian troops watch as a Russian navy ship blocks the entrance of the Ukrainian navy base in Sevastopol on March 4.
A woman photographs pro-Russian soldiers guarding Ukraine's infantry base in Perevalne on March 4.
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, wearing a blue scarf, visits a shrine March 4 for the people who were killed in February during anti-government protests in Kiev.
Yuli Mamchun, the commander of the Ukrainian military garrison at the Belbek air base near Sevastopol, salutes on March 4.
Russian soldiers stand guard at the Belbek air base on March 4.
Ukrainian military members march at the Belbek air base on March 4.
Russian soldiers fire warning shots to keep back Ukrainian military members at the Belbek air base on March 4.
A Ukrainian airman puts the Ukrainian national flag over the gate of the Belbek air base as they guard what's left under their control on March 4.
Russian soldiers aim a grenade launcher and machine gun as they guard positions at the Belbek air base on March 4.
Ukrainian seamen stand guard on the Ukrainian navy ship Slavutych in the Sevastopol harbor on Monday, March 3.
Oleg, a Ukrainian soldier, kisses his girlfriend, Svetlana, through the gates of the Belbek base entrance on March 3. Tensions are high at the base, where Ukrainian soldiers were standing guard inside the building while alleged Russian gunmen were standing guard outside the gates.
Wives of Ukrainian soldiers walk past Russian soldiers to visit their husbands guarding a military base in Perevalne on March 3.
A Russian soldier guards an area outside Ukraine's military base in the village of Perevalne on March 3.
A sailor looks out a window near the entrance to the Ukrainian navy headquarters in Sevastopol on March 3.
Armed men in military uniform walk outside a Ukrainian military unit near Simferopol on Sunday, March 2. Hundreds of armed men in trucks and armored vehicles surrounded the Ukrainian base Sunday in Crimea, blocking its soldiers from leaving.
Soldiers walk outside a Ukrainian military base in Perevalne as a local resident waves a Russian flag March 2.
Demonstrators shout during a rally in Kiev's Independence Square on March 2.
Ukrainian soldiers, left, and unidentified gunmen, right, stand at the gate of an infantry base in Perevalne on March 2.
Ukrainian soldiers guard a gate of an infantry base in Perevalne on March 2.
A woman cries during a rally in Independence Square on March 2.
Protesters hold flags of the United States, Germany and Italy during a rally in Independence Square on March 2.
People attend a morning prayer service at Independence Square on March 2.
A soldier and a truck driver unload bread outside the Ukranian navy headquarters in Sevastopol on March 2.
Heavily armed troops, displaying no identifying insignia and who were mingling with local pro-Russian militants, stand guard outside a local government building in Simferopol on March 2.
A woman waits in front of unidentified men in military fatigues who were blocking a base of the Ukrainian frontier guard unit in Balaklava, Ukraine, on Saturday, March 1.
U.S. President Barack Obama, in the Oval Office of the White House, talks on the phone March 1 with Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Troops stand guard in Balaklava on March 1.
Heavily armed soldiers displaying no identifying insignia maintain watch in Simferopol on March 1.
People gather around the coffin of a man who was killed during clashes with riot police in Independence Square.
Pro-Russian activists hold Russian flags during a rally in the center of Donetsk on March 1.
Pro-Russian activists clash with Maidan supporters as they storm the regional government building in Kharkiv, Ukraine, on March 1.
A protester stands at a memorial March 1 for the people killed in clashes at Independence Square.
Armed men patrol outside the Simferopol International Airport on Friday, February 28.
An image provided to CNN by a local resident shows Russian tanks on the move in Sevastopol.
Russian troops block a road February 28 toward the military airport in Sevastopol. The Russian Black Sea Fleet is based at the port city.
Armed men stand guard in front of a building near the Simferopol airport on February 28.
An armed man wearing no identifying insignia patrols outside Simferopol International Airport on February 28.
Police stand guard outside the Crimea regional parliament building Thursday, February 27, in Simferopol. Armed men seized the regional government administration building and parliament in Crimea.
Police intervene as Russian supporters gather in front of the parliament building in Simferopol on February 27.
A man adds fuel to a fire at a barricade in Independence Square on February 27. Dozens of people were killed during clashes between security forces and protesters.
Pro-Russia demonstrators wave Russian and Crimean flags in front of a local government building in Simferopol on February 27.
Barricades in front of a government building in Simferopol on February 27 hold a banner that reads: "Crimea Russia." There's a broad divide between those who support the pro-Western developments in Kiev and those who back Russia's continued influence in Crimea and across Ukraine.
Protesters stand in front of a government building in Simferopol on February 27. Tensions have simmered in the Crimea region since the ouster of Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych.
Protesters in support of the president's ouster rally in Independence Square, which has been the center of opposition, on Wednesday, February 26.
Security forces stand guard during clashes between opposing sides in front of Crimea's parliament building in Simferopol on February 26.
Pro-Russian demonstrators, right, clash with anti-Russian protesters in front of a government building in Simferopol on February 26.
A police officer gets pulled into a crowd of Crimean Tatars in Simferopol on February 26. The Tatars, an ethnic minority group deported during the Stalin era, rallied in support of Ukraine's interim government.
A man places flowers at a barricade near Independence Square on February 26.
On February 26 in Kiev, a woman holds a photograph of a protester killed during the height of tensions.
Police guard a government building in Donetsk on February 26.
Protesters remove a fence that surrounds Ukraine's parliament in Kiev on February 26.
People sing the Ukrainian national anthem at Independence Square on Monday, February 24.
Gas masks used by protesters sit next to a barricade in Independence Square on February 24.
A woman cries February 24 near a memorial for the people killed in Kiev.
People wave a large Ukrainian flag in Independence Square on Sunday, February 23.
Two pro-government supporters are made to pray February 23 in front of a shrine to dead anti-government protesters.
A man and his daughter lay flowers at a memorial for protesters killed in Independence Square.
Former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko speaks at Independence Square on Saturday, February 22, hours after being released from prison. Tymoshenko, considered a hero of a 2004 revolution against Yanukovych, was released after 2½ years behind bars.
Tymoshenko is greeted by supporters shortly after being freed from prison in Kharkiv on February 22.
A protester guards the entrance to Yanukovych's abandoned residence outside Kiev on February 22.
Anti-government protesters guard the streets next to the presidential offices in Kiev on February 22.
Anti-government protesters drive a military vehicle in Independence Square on February 22. Many protesters said they wouldn't leave the square until Yanukovych resigned.
Ukrainian lawmakers argue during a session of Parliament on Friday, February 21.
Men in Kiev carry a casket containing the body of a protester killed in clashes with police.
Protesters cheer after news of an agreement between the opposing sides in Kiev on February 21.
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- Alexander J. Motyl: Putin describes both an aggrieved and aggressive Russia
- Motyl: He rewrites history, portraying Russia as a victim of the West and Communists
- Motyl: Putin says Russia has the right to be a bully, dismisses its previous abuses
- Motyl: West must hold him to his statements that he wants peace with Ukraine
Editor's note: Alexander J. Motyl is professor of political science at Rutgers University-Newark. He was associate director of the Harriman Institute at Columbia University from 1992 through 1998. A specialist on Ukraine, Russia and the former Soviet Union, Motyl is the author of six academic books and several novels, including "The Jew Who Was Ukrainian," "My Orchidia" and "Sweet Snow." He writes a weekly blog on "Ukraine's Orange Blues" for World Affairs Journal.
(CNN) -- Vladimir Putin's gala address before Russian parliamentarians and officials Tuesday surprised no one when he announced Russia's annexation of Crimea. The interesting part was his distorted view of Russian history, and his proclamation that a bizarre kind of simultaneously aggrieved and aggressive hyper-nationalism is now Russia's official ideology.
In discussing Ukraine, however, Putin seemed to go out of his way to suggest he had no aggressive intentions and was not planning to divide the rest of the country.
Listening to Putin, one could easily forget that Russia is and for many centuries has been the largest country in the world and that it acquired its territories by imperialist expansion often accompanied by genocide and ethnic cleansing.
Instead, Putin prefers to see Russia as having been permanently on the defensive, a victim of both Western and Communist machinations: "In a word, we have all the reasons to believe that the notorious policy of containing Russia, which was pursued in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries, is continuing to this day.
"They are constantly trying to drive us into some corner, because we have an independent position, because we defend it, and because we call things by their names and are not hypocrites," he said.
After the Russian Revolution of 1917, according to Putin, it was the turn of the Bolsheviks to aggrieve Russia. Putin conveniently ignores that the vast majority of Bolsheviks were Russian and that the party Lenin founded was institutionally Russian as well. No matter.
Could Putin 'walk back' Crimea crisis?
Ukraine cries 'robbery'
After Crimea, 'global security finished'
Putin says: "The Bolsheviks, for a number of reasons -- may God judge them -- added large sections of the historical South of Russia to the Republic of Ukraine. This was done with no consideration for the ethnic makeup of the population, and today these areas form the southeast of Ukraine. Then, in 1954, a decision was made to transfer Crimean Region to Ukraine. ... What matters now is that this decision was made in clear violation of the constitutional norms that were in place even then."
Once again, Putin's historical myopia is breathtaking: Nikita Khrushchev's decision to grant Crimea to Ukraine was as constitutional as anything any Soviet Communist leader did in the entire period of the USSR's existence. The Soviet Union rested on illegality and the systemic violation of human and civil rights. If Khrushchev was wrong, then that's only because the USSR was wrong and should never have been created in the first place.
Unsurprisingly, there is no room in this narrative for the nation that Russian imperialism almost managed to annihilate -- the Crimean Tatars. Russia conquered the Crimean Tatar khanate in 1783. Afterward, the Russian authorities forced the Tatars out of their ancestral homeland and replaced them with settlers from Russia.
Tens of thousands of Tatars died or were killed; some two-thirds had to leave the Crimea. In 1944, the ethnic cleansing was completed when Stalin expelled the entire Crimean Tatar population -- about 200,000 people -- to Uzbekistan and some other Soviet regions. About half died on the way. It was only in the late 1980s that they began returning to their homeland to find that their land and their homes had been occupied by Russian settlers.
Instead, Putin primarily explains why Crimea matters to Russia: "The graves of Russian soldiers whose bravery brought Crimea into the Russian empire are also in Crimea. This is also Sevastopol -- a legendary city with an outstanding history, a fortress that serves as the birthplace of Russia's Black Sea Fleet ... symbolizing Russian military glory and outstanding valor."
And what of the Crimean Tatars? Here's Putin: "True, there was a time when Crimean Tatars were treated unfairly, just as a number of other peoples in the USSR. There is only one thing I can say here: Millions of people of various ethnicities suffered during those repressions, and primarily Russians."
The mendacity is astounding. The Crimean Tatars were not just "treated unfairly" by some vague force. They were subjected to genocide by a Russian totalitarian empire. Russians also "suffered," but the brunt of the suffering fell, as Yale historian Timothy Snyder describes in "Bloodlands," on Poles and Ukrainians.
Despite all this victimization, Putin's speech loudly asserts that Russia is back: It's mad as hell and it won't take being humiliated anymore. This Russia, the new Russia, is both victim and bully:
"Today it is imperative to end the hysterics and to renounce the rhetoric of the 'Cold War,' and to recognize an obvious thing: Russia is an independent and active participant in international life, and it has, like other countries, its national interests, which must be acknowledged and respected."
And then, remarkably, Putin adopts a conciliatory tone with respect to Ukraine. Naturally, he first denounces the new democratic government as illegitimate and in the thrall of imaginary fascists and asserts Russia's obligation to help defend Russians and Russian speakers from their supposed assaults and predations.
Here's the soft and fuzzy Putin:
"I appeal to the people of Ukraine. I sincerely want you to understand us: Under no conditions do we wish to bring you harm, to insult your national feelings. We have always respected the territorial integrity of the Ukrainian state. ...
"Don't believe those who terrify you with Russia, who shout that other regions will follow Crimea. ... We want Ukraine to be a strong, sovereign and self-sufficient state. ... We want peace and amity to come to the land of Ukraine, and together with other countries we are ready to provide full cooperation and support to that end. But I repeat: Only the citizens of Ukraine are able to bring order to their own home."
If these words were sincere, then they may mark a significant departure from the war-mongering rhetoric Putin employed at his March 4 press conference, where he stated he "wasn't worried" by war with Ukraine. Indeed, if sincere, Putin has clearly stated that he will not invade the rest of Ukraine and attempt to annex some of its southeastern provinces.
Is Putin being truthful, or is the speech a smoke screen for further aggression? We don't know, of course, but now that Putin has gone on record as having nothing but peaceful intentions toward Ukraine, the international community would do well to remind him of that whenever the temptation to rattle sabers on Ukraine's borders and foment trouble in Ukraine's southeast proves too strong for him to resist.
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The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Alexander J. Motyl.
